In
linguistics, a koine or koiné language or dialect (pronounced /ˈkɔɪneɪ/; from
Ancient Greekκοινή 'common') is a
standard or common
dialect that has arisen as a result of the contact, mixing, and often simplification of two or more mutually intelligible
varieties of the same language.[1][2]
As speakers already understood one another before the advent of the koiné, the process of koineization is not as drastic as
pidginization and
creolization. Unlike pidginization and creolization, there is often no
prestige dialect target involved in koineization.
The normal
influence between neighbouring dialects is not regarded as koineization. A koiné variety emerges as a new spoken variety in addition to the originating dialects. It does not change any existing dialect, which distinguishes koineization from the normal evolution of dialects.[3]
While similar to
zonal auxiliary languages, koiné languages arise naturally, rather than being constructed.
Background
The term koine, meaning "common" in Greek, was first used to refer to the form of
Greek used as a
lingua franca during the
Hellenistic and
Roman periods.[4] It arose as a mixed vernacular among ordinary people in the
Peiraieus, the seaport of
Athens, which was inhabited by
Greeks from different parts of the
Mediterranean.[5][6]
Koineization brings new dialect varieties about as a result of contact between speakers of
mutually intelligible varieties of that
language. Koineization is a particular case of dialect contact, and it typically occurs in new
settlements, to which
people have migrated from different parts of a single language area. Koineization typically takes two or three generations to complete, but it can be achievable within the first generation.[7]
Language variation is systematic in that it can be related to
social divisions within a community, such as class and
gender. Change can be shown to originate with particular social groups based on those divisions. However, a number of linguists have recently argued that language change lies with the individual.[8][9]
Types
Linguist Paul Kerswill identifies two types of koinés, namely, regional and immigrant:[10]
A regional koiné is formed when a strong regional dialect comes into contact with dialects of speakers who move into the region. Often, the use of the koiné spreads beyond the region in which it was formed. The original koiné, of the regional variety, was based on the
Attic Greek dialect that underwent a koineization process when it came into contact with other Greek dialects spoken in the Athenian seaport
Piraeus. It ultimately became the
lingua franca of the Hellenistic world.
An immigrant koiné is a new dialect that forms in a community settled by immigrants speaking two or more mutually intelligible dialects of the same language. In the late 19th and the early 20th centuries, speakers of a variety of
Hindi dialects were conscripted to serve as
indentured labourers throughout the
colonial world. Speakers of the dialects came together in varying proportions under different conditions and developed distinctive Hindi koinés. Those Hindi/
Bhojpuri dialects are found in
Fiji,
Guyana,
Mauritius,
South Africa,
Suriname, and
Trinidad and Tobago.
Koineization
Kerswill also examined the
Norwegian dialects that emerged in two towns around smelters built at the head of the
Sørfjord branch of the
Hardangerfjord in the mid-20th century. Both towns,
Odda and
Tyssedal, drew migrants from different parts of Norway. The workers in Odda came predominantly (86%) from
western Norway. In Tyssedal, only about one third came from western Norway, another third came from
eastern Norway and the other third from other parts of the country. The dialects that evolved in both towns were thus very different from each other.[11]
Peter Trudgill sees three processes in operation during what Mesthrie calls the accommodation period: mixing,
levelling and simplification. The processes of levelling and simplification are both dependent on a wide range of factors, including the relative prestige of the contributing dialects,
socio-political contexts in which the new dialect develops, and individual networks of adults involved in the accommodation process. Additionally, both Trudgill and Mesthrie also comment on the process of reallocation in which features that have been retained from contributing dialects take on new meanings or functions within the new dialect.[12]
Trudgill posits a multigenerational model of the development of a koine. During the first (immigrant)
generation, the speakers of the contributing dialects mix, and there is some levelling. The first native-born generation of speakers continues the leveling process. However, in the instances that Trudgill was able to document (such as first-generation speakers of Tyssedal and Odda dialects of Norwegian), the speech of that generation still reflected considerable variability in use of marked forms, both between speakers and in the repertoire of individual speakers.
It is the third generation that focuses the variations and stabilizes the dialect. Trudgill admits cases in which the focusing takes place in the first generation of native-born speakers and also instances that might be only in the fourth or even later generations. The dialect in its emerging state, a state marked by the heterogeneity of forms, is called by Trudgill an interdialect and is often called an interlanguage in other dialect studies.[13]
Assyrian Neo-Aramaic Iraqi Koiné, a variety of
Suret language based on the various mountain dialects in
Turkey and northern
Iraq (i.e.
Tyari,
Jilu,
Nochiya etc.) under the influence of the standard
Urmežnaya variety (in
Iran). In layman's terms, the dialect is a compromise between the thicker "low-class" accents of the mountains (Tyari) and the prestigious "
posh" dialect of Urmia. Iraqi Koine was developed in the
urban areas of
Iraq (
Baghdad,
Basra,
Habbaniya, and
Kirkuk), where the Assyrians immigrated to.[16]
Guanhua was spoken within the royal courts of the
Ming and
Qing dynasties, based on multiple northern Mandarin dialects, later evolving into modern Mandarin Chinese[17]
^
For example: Campbell, John Howland;
Schopf, J. William, eds. (1994).
Creative Evolution. Life Science Series. Contributor: University of California, Los Angeles. IGPP Center for the Study of Evolution and the Origin of Life. Jones & Bartlett Learning. p. 81.
ISBN9780867209617. Retrieved 2014-04-20. [...] the children of pidgin-speaking parents face a big problem, because pidgins are so rudimentary and inexpressive, poorly capable of expressing the nuances of a full range of human emotions and life situations. The first generation of such children spontaneously develops a pidgin into a more complex language termed a creole. [...] [T]he evolution of a pidgin into a creole is unconscious and spontaneous.
^Siegel, 1985, p.358; Bubenik, 1993, Dialect contact and koineization: the case of Hellenistic Greek.
^Thomson, 1960, p.34, quoted in Siegel, 1985, p.358
^Thomson, 1960, The Greek language. Cambridge: W. Heffer & Sons.
^Labov (1972), Sociolinguistic patterns. Philadelphia: Pennsylvania University Press.
^J. Milroy, 1992, Linguistic variation and change. Oxford: Blackwell
^Croft, 2000, Explaining language change: An evolutionary approach. Harlow:
Longman.
^Kerswill, P. (2002). Koineization and accommodation. In J. K. Chambers, P. Trudgill & N. Schilling-Estes (Eds.), The handbook of language variation and change (pp. 669–702). Oxford: Blackwell.
^Odisho, Edward: The Sound System of Modern Assyrian (Neo-Aramaic) – Weisbaden, Harrassowitz, 1988
^Coblin, W. South (2000a), "A brief history of Mandarin", Journal of the American Oriental Society, 120 (4): 537–552, doi:10.2307/606615, JSTOR 606615.
Britain, D; Trudgill, Peter (1999), "Migration, new-dialect formation and sociolinguistic refunctionalisation: Reallocation as an outcome of dialect contact.", Transactions of the Philological Society, 97 (2): 245–256,
doi:10.1111/1467-968x.00050
Kerswill, P.,
"Koineization and Accommodation"(PDF), in Trudgill, Peter; Schilling-Estes, N (eds.), The handbook of language variation and change, Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, pp. 669–702